Solved by verified expert:I have five documents for
five articles. My instructor asked me to read the five articles, then write an
article summery for each article including two points for each article. Also,
the instructor asked me to use like those types of sentences when I start to
write the points. Example, One point of the article I figured out that was not
obvious is bla bla) or (one key point of view not covered in the article is bla
bla) if someone feels like know the requirements, please help. Then, i will
provide more information about this assighnment to be clear on what exatly I
need.
report_finds_racial_wage_gap_widest_in_nearly_4_decades_2016.docx
how_do_you_measure_diversity.docx
there___s_basically_no_way_not_to_be_a_gentrifier.pdf
diversity_is_an_opportunity_not_a_threat_for_america.docx
the_illusion_of_racial_progress.docx
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Report finds racial wage gap widest in nearly
4 decades
Errin Haines Whack, Associated Press 12 hours ago
WASHINGTON — Sep 20, 2016, 7:58 AM ET
http://abcnews.go.com/Business/wireStory/report-finds-racial-wage-gap-widest-decades42214560
WASHINGTON (AP) — As wages for American workers have stagnated for more than a
generation, the income gap between black and white workers has widened, and discrimination is
the main reason for the persisting disparity, according to a new report.
The Economic Policy Institute also found that young black women are being hit the hardest. This
gap remains even after controlling for factors like education, experience, or geography.
The wage gap today is “worse now than it was 36 years ago,” said Valerie Wilson, director of the
liberal-leaning think tank’s Program on Race, Ethnicity and the Economy.
“For the most part, wages have been fairly flat since 2000, as have incomes and other economic
measures,” Wilson said. “As we’ve seen this overall stagnation, those racial disparities have
grown.”
According to the report released Tuesday, as of 2015, black men living in similar metropolitan
areas and regions of the country make 22 percent less than white men with the same education
and experience. For black women, the number is 34.2 percent less. Black women made 11.7
percent less than white women.
Since 1979, median hourly wage growth has fallen short of productivity growth for all workers,
regardless of race or gender. Meanwhile, wages for black men and women have grown more
slowly than for whites — resulting in the wage gap remaining unchanged or expanding in the
decades that followed.
The report points to several reasons for the widening gap, while noting discrimination has
consistently played a major role. Few black workers have the kinds of top-wage earning jobs that
have seen the majority of growth during the studied period. The decline of unions — which have
historically been helpful to black workers seeking income equality — has also contributed to the
disparity.
And the report concludes that having a college degree worsens the gap, counter to the idea that
education is the key to a more equal society.
While black male college graduates entering the workforce in the 1980s had less than a 10
percent disadvantage compared to whites, by 2014, similarly educated black men started their
first jobs at a deficit of roughly 18 percent. The report also found that growing earnings
inequality has impacted young black college-educated men and women’s wage deterioration
more in the years since the Great Recession than during any other period.
“Education unquestionably enhances mobility and increases wages, but what it does not do as
effectively is eliminate racial disparities,” said Wilson. “More education means higher wages, but
it does not mean equal wages between blacks and whites as they ascend that ladder.”
The report calls for several policy measures to address the wage gap, including consistently
enforcing long-standing anti-discrimination laws in the hiring, promotion and pay of women and
minorities; convening a summit to address why black college graduates start their careers at an
earnings disadvantage; and raising the federal minimum wage.
How Do You Measure Diversity?
Diversity is a difficult thing to quantify. Measuring racial and ethnic diversity at a college or
university is made all the more difficult, as we explained in our last post, by how the U.S.
Department of Education categorizes students’ race—and how the department has changed its
categorization methods over time.
But that hasn’t stopped researchers, administrators, and even Supreme Court justices from trying
to use data to measure diversity in higher education. Keeping in mind that there’s plenty of
nonquantifiable aspects of diversity—the “relationships,” as one recent commenter put it—and
myriad complications posed by the underlying demographic data, we will explore two ways
diversity can be measured and briefly evaluate some of the benefits and flaws of each approach.
Diversity Index
The diversity index is a tool, developed in 1991 by a researcher at the University of North
Carolina at Chapel Hill and a USA Today reporter, for measuring the likelihood that two people,
selected at random from a group, will be from different racial or ethnic backgrounds.
The diversity index is a useful indicator, especially for revealing changes in racial diversity over
time—with the caveat that how race is reported has changed over the years. Nevertheless, an
increase in a college’s diversity index suggests that the college has become more diverse; a drop
can show that it has become less diverse.
For example, at the University of Florida, the diversity index in 2012 was 61.40, up from 38.10
in 1992.
Implicit in the diversity index is that the highest levels of diversity are achieved when every
racial or ethnic group is equally represented. In reality, we live in a country that is almost twothirds white and about 12 percent African-American. So even at the most diverse colleges, you
wouldn’t expect white and African-American students to be equally represented.
And since most colleges primarily attract students from a particular state or region, and the racial
makeup of those states may be quite different, the diversity index is a flawed tool for comparing
the relative diversity of different colleges. One would expect, for example, that a college in
southern Florida will be more diverse than one in North Dakota.
Instead it may be better to compare the racial and ethnic makeup of the University of Florida to
that of the State of Florida, to determine how diverse the flagship university is compared with the
state’s college-age population.
Comparison to State Demographics
Last year, when the U.S. Supreme Court considered the use of race in admissions at the
University of Texas at Austin, The New York Times compared the percentage of black and
Hispanic freshmen at several public universities in states with bans on race-conscious admissions
to the proportion of college-age residents of those groups in those states.
Justice Sonia M. Sotomayor quoted that analysis—graphs included—in her dissenting opinion in
the court’s recent decision to uphold Michigan’s ban on race-conscious admissions. Her point
was that state bans on race-conscious admissions policies negatively affect the diversity of public
universities in the state.
In 2011, 18 percent of freshmen at the University of Florida were Hispanic, compared with 27
percent of the state’s college-age adults, a nine-percentage-point difference. African-American
students made up 10 percent of the freshman class and 24 percent of the state’s college-age
population, a 14-point difference.
This method is effective because it takes into account the differences in racial and ethnic
diversity around the country. Rather than assuming that diversity means that all racial and ethnic
groups should be equally represented at a university, it assumes that enrollment at a public
university—a flagship, in particular—should be representative of the racial diversity of the
state’s population.
Nevertheless, some data problems make that particular calculation somewhat misleading. The
Times used data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention on 18- to 22-year-olds to
represent the state’s college-age population. But not all 18- to 22-year-olds in a state are in the
pool of potential freshmen at the state’s flagship university.
A better indicator of how well the freshman class represents the state’s demographics might be
the racial and ethnic breakdown of the state’s high-school graduates. (Or, with regard to
admissions policies, the pool of applicants.) Unfortunately, those data are hard to come by. The
National Center for Education Statistics collects data on public-high-school graduates by race,
but that statistic doesn’t include graduates of private high schools. And the Census Bureau’s
American Community Survey has data on high-school graduates by age or race but not both.
A Diverse Range of Views
As we’ve shown, no matter how you look at the numbers, it’s difficult to get a full picture of
diversity on campuses. Either method requires making some choices about what exactly diversity
means. Is it a measure of equal representation among racial and ethnic groups? Is it a measure of
how closely a college’s racial makeup represents society writ large? Or is it something else
entirely?
Neither of those diversity measurements captures the relationships or feelings of individuals on
campuses. Many institutions, including Cornell University, the University of California system,
Texas A&M University, the University of Wisconsin at La Crosse, and others, have used
campus-climate surveys and other qualitative research methods to try to measure diversity—or
the level of inclusion or exclusion of minority groups and others—on the campus. Some would
argue that such an approach is a better way to measure diversity than quantitative measures, like
proportions or statistics.
Furthermore, as many people have pointed out, diversity is more than racial or ethnic identity.
From socioeconomic background to gender to religious affiliation and more, diversity is tough to
measure and challenging to write about. It means different things to different people, and no
measure of it is perfect. That doesn’t mean we should stop trying. It just means that we need to
understand what we can measure—and what we can’t.
Return to Top
This entry was posted in IPEDS, Students and tagged admissions, diversity, University of Florida, University
of Michigan. Bookmark the permalink.
Chronicle of Higher Education, Retrieved May 5, 2014 from:
http://chronicle.com/blogs/data/2014/05/05/how-do-you-measurediversity/?cid=at&utm_source=at&utm_medium=en
Diversity is an opportunity, not a threat, for
America
By William H. Frey
Updated 8:18 AM ET, Tue March 29, 2016
Protesters hold signs in front of the U.S. Supreme Court in October 2012.
Story highlights
•
•
William H. Frey: America’s ongoing diversity explosion should be greeted with optimism
because of the opportunities it presents for revitalizing the United States
Yet he says increased diversity is also triggering a backlash from some white baby
boomers who view it as a threat to traditional American values
William H. Frey, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution and a population-studies professor
at the University of Michigan, is author of “Diversity Explosion: How New Racial
Demographics are Remaking America.” The opinions expressed in this commentary are his.
(CNN)America’s ongoing diversity explosion should be greeted with optimism because of the
opportunities it presents for revitalizing our country, energizing our labor force and providing
greater connectivity to the global economy. But there is a hidden danger lurking in the form of an
emerging generation gap with strong racial overtones that, left unchecked, could become a
significant obstacle to progress.
This gap has been greatly inflamed by the rhetoric of the presidential primaries. Its potential
harm was illustrated in the canceled Donald Trump event earlier this month in Chicago, which
saw young people of mixed races protesting against the views of what one of them called “white
suburbanites” who embrace, often angrily, a vision of America that would shut them out.
With more than a subtle focus on race, each party’s candidates have also been talking to different
generations.
Hillary Clinton emphasizes concern for children in Flint, Michigan, ending child poverty and
deportation and reforming the criminal justice system. Bernie Sanders reaches out to young
people concerned about student debt and jobs. In contrast, Trump continues to talk tough on
immigration and keeping out Muslims, on maintaining traditional American values, backing
strong policing and protecting the middle class from tax increases.
These stances mirror generationally different attitudes revealed in a 2012 Pew Survey that
showed that more than half of white baby boomers and seniors view the rise of newcomers from
other countries as a threat to traditional American values and customs, a view that was held by a
minority of the millennial generation born in the early 1980s to the early 2000s. Generations are
also divided on the role of government, with older people eschewing more services and higher
taxes, and younger ones embracing the programs those services support.
The demographic reality is that America’s youth — and more specifically its racial minority youth
— is its future. The white population in this country is rapidly graying with a median age of 43
(compared with 37 for the whole population and 28 for Hispanics) — and it is growing very
slowly. According to census estimates, there is an absolute decline in the number of white youth
younger than 20 that is projected to continue over the foreseeable future.
Hollywood High dreams of stardom 03:26
Because of the growth of Hispanics, Asians, blacks and other races, the United States will be
able to replenish its younger population, unlike Germany, some other European countries and
Japan. Two years ago, minorities began to account for more than half of public school children,
and between now and 2030, all of the growth in the population in prime labor force ages (18-64)
will be comprised of racial minorities.
However, the nation’s young minority population, now more important than ever to its future, has
a long way to go. Underresourced and effectively segregated schools are still the norm in many
urban areas, leading to Hispanic and black high school dropout rates still well above those of
whites. And the range of campus protests last fall in both large public and elite private schools
signals future difficulties in assimilating generations to come.
Add in the sustained high rates of black and Hispanic child poverty, and it is clear that a range of
public solutions are needed to improve youth education and to support young families.
Much of the older white population — especially less-educated white males whose anger is being
courted — appears threatened by the nation’s demographic change, which is occurring at a time
after the Great Recession played havoc with their jobs, wages and savings.
The fact that the first African American president was in office during this period seems to foster
a faulty cause and effect relationship between his party, race and policy, underlined by the
widespread Republican repudiation of “Obamacare.” And despite the fact that most Hispanic
population growth in the United States accrues from births to U.S. residents, the idea of
strengthening borders and building walls continues to convince many that the nation’s changing
racial make-up can be turned back.
To ignore or wish away the nation’s youth-driven minority growth is short-sighted as a national
economic development plan.
It is even short-sighted politically. A new study that I co-authored with Ruy Teixeira and Robert
Griffin shows that the nation’s changing demography will lead to Democratic presidential wins in
every election beyond 2020 even if the white and minority voting patterns of the 2004 election
(when George W. Bush defeated John Kerry) were to persist into the future, as well as under
most other scenarios.
In other words, an election strategy of appealing to whites only will have limited returns for
Republicans in presidential politics, as younger minorities become a larger part of the electorate.
By the same token, elections where one party courts mostly younger minorities and the other
courts mostly older whites can have a divisive impact on the nation as a whole.
Today, the nation’s growing racially diverse younger population depends upon the country’s
mostly white baby boomers and seniors for financial and political support of educational
investments, a social safety net and health care. But not too far down the road, the latter group
will need the support of the former, as those young people enter a labor force that will finance
Social Security and Medicare.
This generational co-dependency is not being discussed because of the separate audiences and
issues associated with each party’s candidates.
There are, in fact, legitimate policies that can be advanced by both parties to foster success
among America’s next highly diverse generation. Yet instead of addressing those, we appear
headed toward a general election with candidates talking past each other and fueling potentially
dangerous divisions.
The illusion of racial progress
Posted by admin on February 13, 2013 0 Comment
•
‘
y Dr. Luke Tripp
Guest Commentator
What appears to be racial progress in America is largely an illusion.
Martin Luther King, Jr. is honored for his great contribution to the struggle for human rights and
social justice in America. He was assassinated on April 4, 1968 when he was organizing a
national campaign to bring the issues of poverty to the attention of the political establishment of
the United States.
In his 1967 book Where Do We Go From Here?, he urged us to struggle against racism,
capitalism, and militarism and to strive to create a beloved community based on moral values
and human dignity. Let us consider the state of affairs in America in 1967 and compare them
with the situation in America in 2013, over two decades later. First we will consider some
dubious indicators of Black progress.
Gains in the political system
From 1954 to 1968, the back of segregation was broken. The Civil Rights Movement and the
fury of the Black Power rebellions disrupted the civic and political fabric of American society
and ushered in major social reforms.
Since the 1960s, Black people have made amazing gains in the governmental structures of
America, especially with the election and re-election of Barack Obama. There are 43 African
Americans serving in the 112th Congress, all in the House of Representatives. There have been
133 African American members of Congress: 127 have been elected to the House; five have
been elected to the Senate; and two have been appointed to the Senate.
Growing Black middle class
Using education as a proxy for social class, the Black middle class has increased in size. In 1968,
among Blacks over 25, five percent had some college, six percent had a bachelor’s degree, and
one percent had a graduate or professional degree. By 2011, thirty-three percent had some
college, 12 percent had a bachelor’s degree, and seven percent had a graduate or professional
degree.
Trends toward
social liberalism
There has been a trend toward more social interaction, liberal attitudes, and interracial
friendships and marriages. In 1967, 17 states criminalized interracial marriage. Moreover,
interracial marriage was a taboo and stigmatized in all 50 states, with the possible exception of
Hawaii.
But, over the last several decades, the American public has grown increasingly accepting of
interracial dating and marriage. Black-White intermarriage increased threefold over 1980-2008,
independent of changing socioeconomic status, suggesting declining social distance between
Blacks and Whites.
Findings from a number of recent Pew Research Center surveys show that just as intermarriage
has become more common, public attitudes have become more accepting. More than four in 10
Americans (43 percent) say that more people of different races marrying each other has been a
change for the better in our society, while only about one in 10 think it is a change for worse.
Being younger, more educated, liberal, and living in the Eastern or Western states are all traits
associated with those who think more positively about intermarriage.
These positive changes suggest that the America is moving toward the vision of Martin Luther
King, Jr. But let us consider the negative trends.
Basic nitty-gritty realities
There is growing residential separation …
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